China Matters
PRAISE FOR CHINA MATTERS
‘For all its modern gloss, China is scarcely less strangely and severely governed by today’s communist elite than it was under imperial dynasties. Yet its connections and influence have already become ubiquitous in Australia today, bringing great opportunity but also risk. This should command the educated attention of all Australians. That is why China matters. That is why China Matters matters.’ —Rowan Callick, author of Party Time: Who Runs China and How
Australians must learn to live with China’s power. This is simply the best all-round guide we have for how to do this.’ —Hugh White, author of The China Choice: Why America Should Share Power
‘China Matters cuts through the volatile mix of hype, hysteria and complacency surrounding the Middle Kingdom in Australia to sketch out a nuanced road map for dealing with Asia’s rising super power. Sober in tone, the book is really a wake-up call for Australians to recognise China and its ruling party for what they are, not as we would like them to be, and prepare accordingly.’ —Richard McGregor, author of The Party: The Secret World of China’s Communist Rulers
‘For an Australia increasingly divided between a reliance on China for its future prosperity, and an apprehension about what a powerful China means for its security and values, China Matters is a timely intervention. Deeply knowledgeable, engagingly argued, and most importantly wise and balanced, this book should be read by all Australians who think seriously about their country’s future.’ —Michael Wesley, author of Restless Continent: Wealth, Rivalry and Asia’s New Geopolitics
‘Jakobson and Gill avoid the common twin traps of China analysis. They are not romantic or rabid. They offer a timely realism. This book helps brace Australia for a tricky future with a great, rising power that we need to understand.’ —Peter Hartcher, author of The Sweet Spot: How Australia Made Its Own Luck – And Could Now Throw It All Away
Published by La Trobe University Press in conjunction with Black Inc.
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Copyright © Bates Gill and Linda Jakobson 2017
The authors assert their rights to be known as the authors of this work.
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National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry:
Gill, Bates author.
China matters: getting it right for Australia / Bates
Gill, Linda Jakobson.
9781863959179 (paperback)
9781925435542 (ebook)
Economic development–Social aspects–China.
China–Foreign economic relations–Australia.
China–Economic policy.
China–Economic conditions.
Jakobson, Linda, author.
Cover design by Peter Long
Text design and typesetting by Tristan Main
Cover image by Chuyuss, Shutterstock
For Sarah
For Chris
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION: Why this book?
Bates Gill and Linda Jakobson
1.THE CHINA DREAM: Return of the Middle Kingdom
Linda Jakobson
2.SOCIAL CHANGE: Will the political fabric unravel?
Linda Jakobson
3.CHINA’S ECONOMIC TRANSITION: Will it succeed?
Arthur R. Kroeber
4.THE SOFT SIDE OF CHINESE POWER: Projecting influence abroad
Bates Gill
5.CHINESE HARD POWER: How will China use its growing strength?
Bates Gill
6.GETTING IT RIGHT FOR AUSTRALIA
Bates Gill and Linda Jakobson
ENDNOTES
INDEX
Acknowledgements
Our first word of gratitude goes to each other. Co-authoring a book is akin to embarking on a journey together – one plans, one explores, one reflects. The journey is as rewarding an experience as the destination. We thank each other for what has been an enjoyable and edifying excursion of intellectual enquiry and companionship.
We owe a special word of gratitude to Arthur Kroeber, author of Chapter 3. Arthur has analysed the Chinese economy for years as a long-term Beijing resident. He is a good friend, author of China’s Economy: What Everyone Needs to Know, and managing director of GaveKal Dragonomics.
The remainder of the book is a product of co-authorship. The Introduction and Chapter 6 were written jointly, sentence by sentence. Linda took the lead on Chapters 1 and 2, Bates on Chapters 4 and 5. Both of us have extensively edited, rephrased, and restructured all of the chapters. Our intention has been to speak as one.
Numerous people have helped us along the way, for which we are greatly appreciative. The book project is an integral part of the public policy initiative China Matters Ltd, which Linda founded in early 2015, thanks to key sponsors PwC, Rio Tinto and several federal government departments.
Supporters of both the book project and the initiative include an eclectic group of prominent Australians: China Matters current board directors (in addition to Bates and Linda) Stephen FitzGerald, Liam Forde, Allan Gyngell and Andrew Parker; former board directors Frances Adamson, Andrew Harding and Warwick Smith; advisory council chair Michael Wesley and advisory council members Geremie Barmé, Kerry Brown, Graham Fletcher, Tim Lane, Peter Leahy, David Olsson, Jonathan Pain, Richard Rigby, Laurie Smith, Julian Snelder, Andrew Stoler and Hugh White. Many of these supporters reviewed parts of the manuscript, as did Nick Bisley, Amy King, Ryan Manual, James Reilly and Mark Thirlwell.
Many other individuals who have no formal role in China Matters have been extremely supportive of our work: Richard Maude, Chris Moraitis, Martin Parkinson, Dennis Richardson, Michael Thawley and Peter Varghese. In addition, we thank dozens of public servants and experts in Australia, China and the United States who have been generous with their time and insights as we explored the Australia–China relationship. We express a sincere thank you to all.
The China Matters team has been a terrific source of assistance. We very much appreciate the input of Hannah Bretherton, Michael Chi, Jacinta Keast, Virginia Lee, Oliver Young and Sophia Zou. We are in particular indebted to Jackson Kwok for his research assistance, review work and editorial advice.
Bates would also like to thank David Capie and Rob Ayson of the Centre for Strategic Studies at Victoria University of Wellington, where he spent six weeks as the Kippenberger Visiting Professor conducting research and writing for this book.
We are grateful to our publisher, Black Inc., and especially Chris Feik and Rebecca Bauert, for their enthusiasm for this undertaking as well as their ongoing professional advice. Although we have had tremendous editorial support, we as co-authors naturally take all responsibility for remaining errors.
Finally, our better-halves – Bates’ wife Sarah Palmer and Linda’s husband Chris Lanzit – deserve our most heartfelt expression of gratitude. Their constant encouragement and inspiration ensured the fulfilment of this book’s journey from start to finish.
Sydney, 3 January 2017
Bates Gill and Linda Jakobson
Acronyms and abbreviations
ACRI Australia-China Relations Institute
ADIZ Air defence identification zone
AIIB Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
ALP Australian Labor Party
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
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BIT Bilateral investment treaty
CCDI Central Commission for Discipline Inspection
CCTV China Central Television
CDB China Development Bank
CPC Communist Party of China
CRI China Radio International
CSSA Chinese Students and Scholars Association
FDI Foreign direct investment
FIRB Foreign Investment Review Board
FTZ Free Trade Zone
GDP Gross domestic product
HADR Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief
KMT Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party)
LSG Leading small groups
NGO Non-governmental organisation
NSRF New Silk Road Fund
OBOR One Belt, One Road
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
PBOC People’s Bank of China
PLA People’s Liberation Army
PRC People’s Republic of China
SOE State-owned enterprise
THAAD Terminal High Altitude Area Defense
UN United Nations
INTRODUCTION
Why this book?
China matters to Australia.
Australia is affected by nearly every aspect of China’s remarkable transformation. There are about 225 million middle-class Chinese households.1 They dream about seeing the world. Annually Chinese citizens make over 120 million trips overseas; about 1 million of them visited Australia in 2015. They know much more about the world and their own country, including their own government, than they did a mere ten years ago. China has 1.3 billion mobile phone accounts, 720 million internet subscribers, and 700 million and 280 million monthly active users of social media platforms WeChat and Weibo respectively. The growing desire among Chinese people for greater openness poses a challenge for the Communist Party of China (CPC), and raises the possibility of future political instability in a country of tremendous importance to Australia.
Australia is the G20 country most dependent on China in terms of export revenue. Nearly one-third of Australia’s exports by value are sold to China. Australian exports to China are worth more than Australia’s exports to the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, South Korea, France, Canada and all of South-East Asia combined.2 Australians wanting to visit China are offered direct flights to fifteen Chinese cities, the smallest one being Fuzhou, with 3.2 million residents.3 Direct flights are set to grow, attracting Australians wishing to experience Chinese cuisine, culture and the fascination of Chinese life.
Among Australians the second most widely spoken language is Mandarin Chinese. Chinese immigrants have been part of Australian society since the early nineteenth century. Today there are 482,000 Australian residents who were born in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). About 1 million people living in Australia identify as ethnically Chinese. Over the past four decades 115 sister city and sister state relationships have been formed between Australia and China; the list even includes the partnership between Wagga Wagga, a town of 63,000 inhabitants, and Kunming, a provincial capital with 100 times that population.4
China now commands the largest number of naval vessels in Asia, with more than 300 surface ships and seventy submarines.5 China’s ongoing military modernisation transforms the security environment for Australia. Australia’s alliance with the United States risks entangling Australia in a US–China conflict. The uncertainties surrounding US President Donald Trump’s foreign policies further complicate US–China–Australia relations.
In spite of China’s importance, many Australians do not have a nuanced understanding of the reasons for this or fully appreciate the risks and opportunities involved in relations with China. Upon moving to this country several years ago we were both struck by a sense that Australians do not entirely grasp how vast China’s impact will be on Australia’s future. We were also taken aback by Australia’s lack of homegrown China expertise, especially in Chinese politics, foreign affairs and security policy. We were strongly encouraged by a diverse group of prominent Australians to write this book to catalyse a more balanced and realistic public discourse on relations with China. Our interest is to expand awareness, inform public opinion and advance sound policy on the complexities, opportunities and challenges of China’s rise.
This book provides a portrait of China today – its aspirations, politics, economics, and projection of influence and power. It then addresses the question of what China today will mean for Australia tomorrow, and how Australia should better prepare for that future. The first five chapters focus on China; the final chapter zeroes in on Australia’s ties with China.
This is a daunting task. While Chinese society is vastly more open and multifaceted than even ten years ago, there is much we do not know. The Party remains secretive and resistant to scrutiny. Something as simple as how often the top leadership meets or its meeting agenda is not publicly available information. But decades of living and working in China help us appreciate Chinese perspectives on their society and their place in the world. With sixty years of combined experience analysing Chinese politics, economics and foreign policy, we have been constantly inspired to interpret and understand a changing China.
Why China matters
Understanding the China Dream
Many Australians would have first heard about the China Dream after Xi Jinping took leadership of the Party and the military in China in late 2012. The China Dream encapsulates Xi’s aim to make China wealthy and strong again. Xi has repeatedly said that his prime mission as CPC leader is to oversee the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation so that Chinese people do not suffer the humiliations of past centuries when foreigners invaded and occupied parts of China. Such grand ambition has profound implications for Australia.
In reality, leading thinkers within the Party had begun to discuss a concept called the China Dream in the years before Xi’s ascent to power. They were worried about the ideological confusion among CPC members after such rapid economic and social change and sought to identify an easy-to-digest narrative that would appeal to people’s hopes and aspirations, not only to their material expectations. Xi grasped the concept and made it his signature slogan.6 Two aspects of Xi’s China Dream are especially noteworthy. In the Party’s view, the China Dream can only be achieved under CPC leadership. Second, the China Dream is a vehicle for Xi to reach out to the middle classes, whose support the Party desperately needs as China continues its modernisation drive.
Understanding the China Dream is a useful starting point for Australians and others to comprehend China today because it encompasses many of the contradictions that vex the people of China and their leaders. Chapter 1 delves into these contradictions.
It is important for Australians to grasp just how much the Party’s emphasis on China’s ‘century of humiliation’ still colours the way many Chinese people view the outside world. In a similar vein, another contradiction evident in the China Dream states that China seeks to rise peacefully. Yet it insists that China’s sovereign rights cannot be violated – and that includes disputed maritime rights – which pits China against some of its neighbours.
Disparities and dissatisfaction
Of course Chinese people have their own dreams, and not all of them are in harmony with the official dream. Most Chinese people above all dream of living in a society devoid of social injustices. But the CPC leadership is unwilling to take the crucial steps to ensure a more equitable and just society – a subject to be explored in more detail in Chapter 2.
Chapter 2 focuses on China’s evolving society. It first charts key milestones, starting from the 1980s, which transformed relations between state and citizen. Next it describes many of the unhealthy trends that emerged when the energy of Chinese people was unleashed to pursue wealth and a wider range of personal choices. These trends include the widening gaps between rich and poor, between the inland areas and the coastal provinces, and between the privileged political classes and ordinary people. These d
isparities cause widespread discontent among hundreds of millions of Chinese. Furthermore, corruption, social injustice and the toll of environmental degradation embitter Chinese citizens regardless of income level and social rank.
The speed with which Xi centralised power in his own hands surprised most observers. He circumvented the government bureaucracy by creating new CPC-led agencies. He ordered CPC members to be honest, scrupulous and hard-working models for their fellow citizens. As one of his first measures Xi initiated an anti-corruption campaign unlike any other during China’s reform decades. Thousands of CPC officials and officers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), including senior leaders, have been punished.
Australian media has stressed the anti-corruption campaign’s popularity among ordinary Chinese. While this may be accurate, it does not necessarily mean that Xi is universally popular. As Chapter 2 explains, Xi has also implemented several policies that curb some of the freedoms to which Chinese people had become accustomed; for example, internet usage has been more tightly censored under Xi. Even mildly contrary thinking is more severely dealt with than during his predecessor’s ten years in power. This is important for Australians to understand because many of Xi’s policies are taking China in a direction that is even further away from the values Australians uphold, such as freedom of speech and media openness. After all, for years many China watchers, political leaders and informed citizens the world over thought that as China grew more prosperous its politics would become more pluralistic and tolerant.
It is also important to recognise that Xi’s aversion to political reform stems from a fear of the Party losing control and suffering the fate of the Soviet Communist Party. Thus while he speaks of the need to implement the rule of law and undoubtedly is aware that this would require making the justice system independent of the Communist Party, he dares not take that step. In contemplating this dilemma for Chinese leaders, Chapter 2 concludes with a focus on the future prospects for CPC survival.